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For example, clandestine houses were harshly suppressed several times at the end of the nineteenth century. They shared the social and moral considerations of the abolitionists, but their policy was primarily concerned with ensuring that soldiers had access to a disease-free sexual outlet.

It was believed that banning commercial sex outright would Prostitutes Loon op Zand affected morale and also encouraged homosexuality and clandestine prostitution. As such, strict regulations were put in place with regard to brothels and prostitutes servicing the troops, and other forms of prostitution were forbidden. Inregulations pertaining to prostitution throughout Belgium were formally declared null and void by the central government, which opted to take an abolitionist approach that has lasted to this day.

Attempts to control venereal diseases had not been effective, and it was considered immoral for the state to be involved with the sex industry at any level. This move was also in line with international trends, given that Belgium was one of the few countries still attempting to regulate prostitution. Moreover, prostitution is Prostitutes Loon op Zand handled by municipal governments and local policies are not Prostitutes Loon op Zand in line with national law.

Netherlands

In Ghent, for example, sex workers are registered and prostitution is tolerated within a specific neighbourhood; furthermore, renting windows so that prostitutes can showcase their bodies, Prostitutes Loon op Zand illegal according to the criminal code, is permitted in that area. In Bruges, on the other hand, there is no divergence between legislation and local policy simply because the sector is so small. Prostitutes Loon op Zand forced prostitution and human trafficking are issues that must be dealt with, they pointed out that the majority of sex workers are not working under such circumstances.

They argued that the legislation was only created to address a minority of prostitutes, and that by concentrating on this group alone legislators have turned all sex workers into passive victims despite the fact that many are making their own decisions.

In smaller cities and places not characterized by much mobility, locals constitute the majority of the prostitute population. The number of foreign sex workers gradually increased, as did the distances travelled—a trend only interrupted by major wars and the resultant constraints on movement.

Nineteenth-century Bruges had roughly the same number of foreign sex workers as today, but their origins were quite different. In20 per cent of non-native prostitutes came from countries outside of the European Union and 12 per cent from western Europe, while in the nineteenth century one woman hailed from the United States and 97 per cent from neighbouring countries.

Individual career possibilities are determined by a complex interplay of personal traits and circumstances. An educational gap does not appear until the nineteenth century, when 49 per cent of the prostitutes were found to be illiterate as Prostitutes Loon op Zand to Prostitutes Loon op Zand per cent of the Prostitutes Loon op Zand female population.

Specific figures for Bruges are not available, but in present-day Flanders the mean age at which prostitutes quit school is nearly 18, although education is compulsory until this age and the majority of teenagers go on to study at a university or take part in another form of higher education. Of course, this can partially be explained by general evolutions in education, such as increased access and greater diversity within the curriculum, but it does indicate that prostitutes have become a more distinct group within society.

Their numbers only declined in the nineteenth century after the collapse of the textile industry. Domestic service then became the single most important employment sector for young women and the number of servants who ended up in prostitution markedly increased. The common belief that domestic servants were particularly vulnerable to prostitution cannot be confirmed, but it may be explained somewhat by both differences in professions Prostitutes Loon op Zand a certain degree of compartmentalization within the prostitution sector.

In the early modern period, domestic servants were better off than lace makers because they lived with their employers and were not dependent upon the vagaries of the market. However, servants had Prostitutes Loon op Zand to lose if they lost their position, and therefore turned more easily to work as full-time brothel prostitutes.

Lace makers, on the other hand, were more likely to supplement their meagre incomes by Prostitutes Loon op Zand streetwalking. At the start of the century, an increasing number of prostitutes worked at one point in manufacturing or catering, and by the turn of the century they had been joined by part-time cleaners, nurses, saleswomen, labourers, and others.

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This is hardly surprising given that prostitution has always offered comparatively higher wages, which is the primary motivation for women joining the profession, even among those already earning a decent income.

In the eighteenth century, the smallest recorded amount for the services of a prostitute was five pennies, whereas Bruges lace makers only earned two to four pennies a day. In the eighteenth century, the mean age of prostitutes Prostitutes Loon op Zand the time of their first arrest was 23, while the estimated mean now is Prostitutes Loon op Zand the most part, this was a gradual shift. The nineteenth-century mean was 26, which then dipped slightly in the first half of the twentieth century to This means that the bulk of the increase came in the Prostitutes Loon op Zand half of the twentieth century.

This trend is related to shifts in the ages at which they Prostitutes Loon op Zand and then left the profession. Nearly three in four of all prostitutes in eighteenth-century Bruges were younger than 24—25 at the time of their first arrest, and the court records containing such information indicate that most had started in their late teens or early twenties, although a few had started as young as 14, and one even at This remained unchanged in the nineteenth century; while 45 per cent of prostitutes began working in the sector before the age of 20, 38 per cent indicated they had started between the ages of 20 and Changes in the legislation and alterations in the norms surrounding adulthood and the appropriate age at which to start working help explain this evolution.

In the eighteenth century, there was no legal distinction between those who had turned 25—the actual age of majority at the time—and those who had not.

People began working at much younger ages than today and were considered to be adults well before that time.

In the early-modern Prostitutes Loon op Zand, women were seen as being adults from their mid-teens onward, a time when they were paid as adult labourers and Prostitutes Loon op Zand longer referred to as children.

The stopping age has undergone a similar evolution. While nearly one in three contemporary sex workers are 40 or over, this was almost never the case in the eighteenth century.

In his research on prostitution in eighteenth-century London, Randolph Trumbach argued that prostitutes stopped when they got too old because once youth and beauty were gone, the clients disappeared. The few older prostitutes operated at the margins of the sector.

In any case, the ageing of the prostitute population has had important consequences, such as extending the length of their careers in the profession and changes in their family circumstances. While the greater majority of eighteenth and nineteenth-century prostitutes were unmarried Table 3.

It is certainly possible that the historical sources available did not always note when an absent husband had been mobilized. The contemporary sex worker population contains the greatest number of mothers—a rather notable finding given the widespread use of birth control.

However, there are some reasonable explanations. Present-day prostitutes tend to be older when joining the profession, and having been fertile longer than women in the past they are thus more likely to have children in general. Either way, it only confirms that sex workers are actually quite ordinary women. While they cannot Prostitutes Loon op Zand be stereotyped as poor young migrants, analyses do show that some groups are overrepresented.

Women with minimal prospects, such as migrants or the poorly educated, do indeed become prostitutes more often than others; moreover, as Bruges has become more diverse, offering more possibilities to more Prostitutes Loon op Zand, prostitutes increasingly come from distinct social groups.

However, this does not make them passive victims. Prostitutes Loon op Zand it is the case that some sex workers, both official and illicit, work under the oversight or protection of a brothel owner, madam, procurer, or pimp, this is not true of all. Many prostitutes have operated independently throughout history. When the sector is lucrative, it attracts more people seeking to arrange contact between prostitutes and their clients—intermediaries, in other words.

Prostitution is not as profitable in Bruges now, and as a result there are many more independent sex workers in the city; nearly Prostitutes Loon op Zand operate in private settings, whereas this is only the Prostitutes Loon op Zand for one fourth of the prostitutes in East and West Flanders as a whole.

The court records indicate that some were accompanied by an intermediary or were called to a house of ill repute whenever they had customers, while others had arrangements with the Prostitutes Loon op Zand they frequented. However, few streetwalkers were entirely dependent on intermediaries and about one in ten of all prostitutes received customers in their own homes—an activity that they often combined with running their own brothels.

All the same, the level of organization involved in eighteenth-century prostitution is remarkable. In Bruges, as in other Prostitutes Loon op Zand modern cities, debt bondage was the most common method employed for keeping prostitutes in such houses.

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Marianne Stiers, for instance, declared that even though she earned a lot of money, she had to give it all to the bawdy woman to cover the debts she had run up Prostitutes Loon op Zand of the wine she drank, thus making it impossible to leave.

Indeed, few of the eighteenth-century prostitutes indicated that they had started against their will but many claimed that they lost their freedom after entering the brothel house. Marie Le Boeuf testified that she entered the brothel on her own initiative, but when she thought better of it, she could not leave because she was under surveillance, and she said that her only hope was that her father Prostitutes Loon op Zand come to fetch her.

Presumably, the latter situation became increasingly uncommon over time due to increased regulations, particularly in the last few decades. According to Ans Traen and An Mortier from the ngo Pasop, forced prostitution is much less widespread today than is often believed. They indicated that they do not know of Prostitutes Loon op Zand single sex worker in West Flanders who is constrained by an intermediary or for whom it is impossible to stop. Prostitutes were often persuaded to take up the profession via misrepresentations.

For example, Jacoba Mesijs said that she started because her prospective madam claimed to know girls in Antwerp who had earned eighty-one guilders in sixteen days. And while forced prostitution was the exception rather than the norm, it did occur.

Anne Marie Cootens testified that while looking for Prostitutes Loon op Zand, she had moved in with Marie Callens, who, unbeknownst to her, ran a house of ill repute.

When she had not found a job after a few days, Anne Marie Prostitutes Loon op Zand to sell some of her clothing. Rather, they acquired more debt and were passed between brothels, thus becoming trapped in trafficking networks. Indeed, trafficking—meaning here all assisted migration, both voluntary and involuntary—is not a modern phenomenon. Eighteenth-century brothel owners in Bruges corresponded with colleagues elsewhere to exchange girls and plan their travel. The only thing that changed over the course of time was the expanse of territories they operated across.

In fact, eighteenth-century sex workers who were not native to Bruges rarely began Prostitutes Loon op Zand careers there.

Most were prostitutes on the move and the city was just one more stop on the road.

Indeed, such networks allowed for a great deal of mobility; some women only stayed in Bruges for a few weeks or months before they continued on their way. The role played by trafficking networks is hard to pin down.

Yet it is certain that they were not merely mechanisms of forced prostitution, although they did operate as such in some cases. The aforementioned Marianne Stiers, for example, was passed between brothel keepers as a result of her debts. Other women, however, willingly took part in trafficking. He was not found guilty because the women involved were of age and were already working as prostitutes before travelling to Bruges, which—according to the police—meant that they had not been forced.

Prostitutes have always had many reasons for moving, including the avoidance of social stigma or simply looking out for greater profits. In addition, they were often forced to travel onwards in the eighteenth century because of Prostitutes Loon op Zand judgements banishing them.

Willingly or not, trafficked women ended up working under highly diverse conditions, whether in brothels that varied in terms of their size, organisation, profitability, and amenities or in the precarious circumstances experienced Prostitutes Loon op Zand by the prostitute population at large. In the early modern period, the boundaries between different types Prostitutes Loon op Zand prostitution were less clear than they are today. Prostitutes Loon op Zand either looked for costumers at inns or brought in those that they had found elsewhere.

On some Prostitutes Loon op Zand, they did not leave the bars they frequented, while on others they stayed outdoors completely. Prostitutes working in closed brothel houses usually plied their trade inside the building, but some did go out to look for clients when none appeared on the premises. Women working from Prostitutes Loon op Zand similarly found customers on the streets or called out to them from their windows.

The rare upper-class prostitute was more discrete, however, and remained indoors like the mistresses who were installed in private houses or brothel rooms to provide services for one man. It is likely that similar practises were employed in the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth, although maintaining the same level of the flexibility between indoor and outdoor business must have been made complicated by the legal framework that only allowed prostitution inside registered brothels.

Today, visible forms of prostitution have entirely disappeared from Bruges. The other side of the spectrum—the escorts—are not represented either, or at least they are not known. They are sheltered from the dangerous and unpleasant situations related to working on the streets and they are not completely dependent on pimps or procurers.

However, each type of prostitution and each individual situation have their own benefits and drawbacks, particularly when it comes to earning potential. The price of sex depends on several interrelated factors. In addition to the setting, Prostitutes Loon op Zand service provided, and the class of the prostitute, the client also matters.

What little data is available from the eighteenth-century records indicate that prices Prostitutes Loon op Zand from five pennies to one crown, which is between half and five times the daily wage of an unskilled labourer. Most revealingly, the woman slept with another client for just two francs. Despite the large range, prices have remained remarkably stable over the long run.

Nineteenth-century data indicate that in the s, a time of economic crisis in which there was an exceptionally high number of prostitutes, the mean price dropped to just 40 per cent of the daily wage.

So even though the prices have not changed in twenty years, the net daily wage earned by sex workers has declined over the last Prostitutes Loon op Zand.

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There are always costs involved. Prostitutes working with an intermediary have to hand over about half their pay—a proportion that has not changed over the centuries 79 —and others have to pay rent for a window or a room, and all must compensate for the hours spent without clients.

Not only do they fluctuate daily, but a great deal depends on individual circumstances and the economic climate. So while it is true that sex workers can potentially make a good living, it all hinges on their operating expenses vs. What we do know is Prostitutes Loon op Zand many prostitutes are not employed in the sector full-time; instead, they often combine sex work with another job, or only occasionally use prostitution to supplement wages earned elsewhere.

Quantitative data is not available for historic or contemporary Bruges alone, but in a Prostitutes Loon op Zand conducted in the present-day provinces of East and West Flanders as a whole, 13 per cent of sex workers indicated that prostitution is not their Prostitutes Loon op Zand means of support and 29 per cent declared that prostitution is not their only source of income.

Nearly all eighteenth-century prostitutes interrogated in Prostitutes Loon op Zand stated that they had some other form of employment, and while such claims have to be interpreted within the judicial context, there is no reason to assume that the occupations they provided to the court were not practised at all, particularly among streetwalkers. In all likelihood, full-time prostitution was most common among those working in brothel houses, Prostitutes Loon op Zand even under those circumstances there may not have been enough customers to support women without additional income.

And indeed, there were brothel workers who had other employment; Anna Helders, who lived in De Vlagge The Flag brothel, for instance, informed the court that she worked part-time as both a fille de joie and domestic servant. Certainly data from the eighteenth century and today make it clear that flexibility was and still is crucial in the prostitution sector. We can draw two main conclusions from this brief history of prostitution in Bruges.

First, the sector is characterized by a remarkable degree of long-term stability. Prostitutes Loon op Zand at first sight there seem to have been many changes, most of the developments are in line with general societal evolutions or represent continuity in another guise. The number of migrants working in the sector has increased substantially, but so has the number of migrants in the overall population.

The territory of prostitution networks has grown, but overall mobility has increased quite extensively as well. Even the prices for sexual services have remained remarkably constant when compared to daily wages, as have the sums that dependent prostitutes are expected to give to intermediaries.

Individual revenues are not constant but there is no evidence to suggest that they ever have been, and meanwhile, the hourly wage earning potential remains considerably higher than that of other Prostitutes Loon op Zand.

The second conclusion is that while the sector shows a high degree of continuity as a whole, individual circumstances have always been subject to a great deal of variability.

Some women fall victim to exploiters, others make their own arrangements with intermediaries, and still others work entirely independently.

So while forced prostitution and abuses do take place, this is not the general state of affairs. Trafficking networks are similarly diverse. Some women were brought to Bruges to work as prostitutes without their consent, but most already had experience in the sex trade before they took up such Prostitutes Loon op Zand journeys and either agreed with travel proposals when they were made or were seeking opportunities to move.

Working situations and wages have remained diverse as well. Migrants and locals, rich and poor, young and old, single and attached: all work in the sex industry. Yet some groups, such as migrants, the young, and the poor have always been overrepresented among prostitute populations, which explains our current stereotypes regarding sex workers.

However, it does not then follow that all prostitution is the result of force or the exploitation of the vulnerable. As this brief essay has shown, some women took Prostitutes Loon op Zand lives into their own hands, deciding to become prostitutes for their own reasons.

I am grateful Prostitutes Loon op Zand Thomas Prostitutes Loon op Zand Jacobs for reading this paper, improving it, and giving advice regarding my use of English, which was truly a great help. I am also grateful to the editors of this volume for their comments on an earlier version of this article. Guy Dupont, Maagdenverleidsters, hoeren en speculanten: Prostitutie in Brugge tijdens de Bourgondische periode — Bruges,pp. Pasop, established inprovides medical and social services to sex workers in the Belgian provinces of East and West Flanders.

I am equally indebted to Ans Traen, a doctor, and An Mortier, a nurse, for their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences when I interviewed them in Ghent Prostitutes Loon op Zand 12 June Yvan Vanden Berghe, Jacobijnen en traditionalisten: de reactie van de Bruggelingen in de revolutietijd — Brussels,pp.

The mean age at first marriage for women at the end of the eighteenth century was This was calculated on the basis of a database constructed by volunteers at the Bruges archives, which contains first marriages for —, and brides for which the age at marriage was known. According to the census, around Prostitutes Loon op Zand fifth of women never married at all; their exact numbers could not be determined, but the percentage of unmarried women above the age of 50 is estimated to have been between 18 per cent and 28 per cent.

De Belder, L. Jaspers, C. Gyssels, and C. Vandenbroeke, Arbeid en tewerkstelling in West-Vlaanderen —, een socio-professionele en demografische analyse: Werkdocumenten 6 n. Adultery could be prosecuted both by the secular and the ecclesiastical courts, but moral offences committed by the laity were increasingly—and eventually exclusively—dealt with by the former.

This evolution was also found Prostitutes Loon op Zand Lotte Van de Pol, Het Amsterdams hoerdom: Prostitutie in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw Amsterdam,pp.

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Froide eds , Singlewomen in the European Past, — Philadelphia, , pp. As such, the prices only refer to clandestine prostitution. Economic transactions were not entirely irrelevant, as the authorities did prosecute those who remunerated more often than women who had merely had premarital sex.